Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye has once again come under criticism following remarks he made concerning the deteriorating relationship between Burundi and Rwanda, as well as Burundi’s involvement in the ongoing conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
Speaking in an interview with Jeune Afrique published on May 10, 2026, Ndayishimiye addressed the closure of the Gatumba and Vugizo border crossings between Burundi and the DRC near South Kivu. He claimed the move was prompted by the advance of M23 fighters near Burundi’s borders and alleged cooperation between the rebel movement and Rwanda.
“Rwanda has bad intentions toward Burundi,” Ndayishimiye said. “As long as Rwandan troops and M23 rebels are near our border, we consider it a problem and must remain vigilant. However, we still hope that the Washington peace agreements will place pressure on them.”
The Burundian leader also accused Rwanda of backing RED Tabara, a group he described as a terrorist organization responsible for attacks inside Burundi. Rwanda has repeatedly denied those accusations, insisting that it does not support any group seeking to destabilize neighboring countries.
Under bilateral agreements signed between Burundi and the DRC in 2022 and 2023, Burundi deployed more than 20,000 soldiers to South Kivu. The number of troops was reportedly reduced in early December 2025 after M23 fighters seized large areas of the Ruzizi Plain and the city of Uvira.
Ndayishimiye defended the deployment, saying Burundi’s military presence in the DRC was intended to assist a neighboring country against armed groups and that the mission was conducted within a regional framework assigning Burundian troops to operations in South Kivu.
“It should be understood that we are not in the DRC to protect Burundi, but to assist the Congolese army in fighting its enemies,” he said. “Our operations were based on a regional decision that assigned us South Kivu as our operational area. But the war continued, and some regional countries failed to stop the fighting.”
He added that only Uganda and Burundi remained engaged in the mission after other regional forces withdrew.
“Only Uganda and Burundi remained there, with each country operating in its own sector. Today, our troops follow the instructions of the Congolese army. FARDC decides where they should operate, and we are there to provide support,” he stated.
Between 2022 and 2023, Burundian troops deployed in the DRC operated under two separate frameworks. One contingent served under bilateral military agreements between Burundi and the DRC, while another was deployed under the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF), which had been established to separate warring parties and create conditions for peace negotiations.
Troops operating under the bilateral arrangement, known as TAFOC, began operations in South Kivu in 2022 alongside Congolese forces against armed groups including RED Tabara, FOREBU, FNL, and Twirwaneho.
The Burundian contingent under the EACRF was later deployed to Masisi Territory in North Kivu in 2023. The regional force had not been mandated to engage in combat, but rather to position itself between M23 and FARDC in order to reduce hostilities and facilitate peace talks.
However, the Congolese government later requested that Burundian, Kenyan, Ugandan, and South Sudanese troops launch military offensives against M23. The leadership of the EACRF rejected the proposal, though Burundi gradually aligned itself with FARDC and Wazalendo militias.
At the end of 2023, the East African Community decided to withdraw its regional force from the DRC. While most participating countries pulled out their troops, Burundi refused to withdraw its soldiers from Masisi and continued operations alongside FARDC in a manner similar to TAFOC operations in South Kivu.
Uganda, meanwhile, maintained troops in North Kivu and Ituri under “Operation Shujaa,” an operation launched in November 2021 targeting the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF). The Ugandan troops that were part of the EACRF withdrew, leaving only those involved in Operation Shujaa.
Analysts note that both Burundian and Ugandan troops currently operating in the DRC are no longer acting under a regional peacekeeping mandate, but under bilateral agreements authorizing combat operations, unlike the original EAC mission which focused on preventing fighting.
Reports also indicate that Ndayishimiye initially sought to avoid international scrutiny over the continued presence of Burundian troops in Masisi after other EAC forces had withdrawn. During an EAC summit, he reportedly denied that Burundian soldiers captured by M23 were members of the national army, claiming instead they were RED Tabara fighters because they spoke Kirundi. Critics argued that the explanation was contradicted by military identification documents allegedly found on the captured individuals. The issue of alleged cooperation with the FDLR also emerged prominently during the interview.
Journalist Romain Gras reminded Ndayishimiye that Rwanda accuses Burundi of collaborating with the FDLR, an armed group founded by individuals involved in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and which Rwanda says continues to threaten its security from bases in eastern Congo.
Ndayishimiye responded by saying he had asked President Paul Kagame to provide intelligence on FDLR positions so Burundian troops could target them.
“I told him, ‘If you know where FDLR bases are located and we do not attack them, then you could conclude that we support them. But if we attack them, we will show you that we are ready to destroy them wherever they are,’” he said. “To this day, I have not been given information about where FDLR is located. We do not support criminals attacking Rwanda. The interviewer then questioned how Burundian forces could avoid cooperation with FDLR while operating alongside FARDC, which has itself been accused of working with the group.
Ndayishimiye acknowledged that FARDC cooperates with FDLR but insisted Burundian troops remain separate from the militia.“Burundian military units have their own operational sectors, and FARDC has its own,” he explained. “Military groups cannot simply mix because they do not fight in the same way. I even told President Tshisekedi that he should do everything possible to avoid suspicion.”
The Burundian president added that both he and Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi agree that FDLR should be fought, though he argued that capacity limitations remain a major challenge.
“All of us, including Félix Tshisekedi who inherited this problem when he came to power, agree on fighting FDLR,” Ndayishimiye said. “The greatest challenge may be obtaining the capacity to do so. The proposal I always make is that Rwanda, the DRC, Burundi, and Uganda should work together to fight these groups. That is what would assure Rwanda that it will not be attacked.”
Despite Ndayishimiye’s denials, a report by United Nations experts states that relations between Burundi and Rwanda worsened again at the end of 2023, leading Burundi to strengthen cooperation with groups hostile to Rwanda.
Additional reports have alleged that Burundian military officials held meetings in Bujumbura with leaders of the FDLR and CNRD-FLN to discuss possible coordination aimed at destabilizing Rwanda.
