Burundian President Évariste Ndayishimiye has concluded a two-day visit to Kinshasa, where he held high-level talks with Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) President Félix Tshisekedi. While both governments publicly described the visit as an opportunity to strengthen bilateral cooperation and enhance regional security, reports emerging after the meeting suggest that the discussions extended far beyond official diplomatic priorities and focused extensively on military coordination in eastern DRC, where the AFC/M23 movement continues its armed campaign against the Congolese government and its allies.
According to the reports, the meeting took place during a critical phase of the conflict, with AFC/M23 continuing to increase military pressure on the coalition composed of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC), Wazalendo militias, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), and Burundian troops. The movement is portrayed by the reports as being made up of Congolese citizens who have endured years of persecution, displacement, and violence within their own country, and who say they took up arms after political grievances remained unresolved.
Sources familiar with the discussions claim that President Tshisekedi requested President Ndayishimiye to reinforce Burundi’s military deployment by sending additional troops to help recapture territories previously controlled by AFC/M23. The reports further allege that the Burundian leader immediately pledged full military support, continuing what they describe as Burundi’s sustained involvement alongside Kinshasa over recent years. According to the same accounts, Ndayishimiye assured Tshisekedi that Burundi would continue supporting the Congolese military coalition in securing strategic areas of South Kivu Province while assisting efforts to reclaim territories currently under AFC/M23 control, including the cities of Goma and Bukavu.
The nature of the Burundian delegation has also attracted attention. Unlike previous visits to Kinshasa, where Ndayishimiye was often accompanied by senior military commanders and intelligence officials, reports indicate that those officials remained in Burundi during this trip. The decision has been interpreted by the reports as a deliberate effort to allow the two presidents to hold confidential discussions on sensitive military and political matters without the presence of additional officials. According to those accounts, senior Burundian security leaders were intentionally left behind to ensure strict confidentiality surrounding the substance of the discussions.
Among the issues reportedly addressed was the question of financial compensation for Burundian troops deployed in eastern DRC. Reports allege that dissatisfaction has grown within the Burundian military because many soldiers have yet to receive bonuses allegedly promised for their participation in operations conducted under the stated objective of restoring security. The reports further claim that disagreements over the management and distribution of funds provided by the Congolese government have created tensions among deployed troops, senior military officers, and political authorities responsible for overseeing the mission.
The allegations extend beyond financial concerns to include accusations regarding the conduct of Burundian troops in territories previously vacated by AFC/M23. According to the reports, Burundian forces, alongside the Congolese military coalition, occupied those areas after the movement’s withdrawal and allegedly committed abuses against Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese civilians, particularly members of the Tutsi community. The reports state that after AFC/M23 withdrew from the city of Uvira on January 17, 2026, residents who had earlier expressed fears of reprisals experienced widespread violence. Civilians were reportedly subjected to robbery, assaults, looting, attacks on their homes, and other forms of severe abuse shortly after coalition forces entered the city.
Similar allegations are made regarding Walikale, where the reports claim civilians faced killings, looting, and destruction of property following AFC/M23’s withdrawal from the area in March 2026. The reports also revisit events in October 2023, alleging that after AFC/M23 withdrew from Nturo in Masisi Territory, Congolese government forces and allied armed groups described as terrorist organizations burned an entire village of more than 300 Congolese Tutsi households and killed numerous residents. According to the reports, Burundi knowingly participated alongside the Congolese government in operations that targeted Congolese civilians in those contested areas.
Despite these developments, the reports argue that AFC/M23 continued mounting military resistance and eventually pushed coalition forces back toward Uvira, a city located near Bujumbura, Burundi’s economic capital. Although Burundi is described as having suffered significant battlefield setbacks, the reports contend that its government has remained committed to supporting Kinshasa’s military campaign.
Human rights organizations cited in the reports estimate that more than 20,000 Burundian troops have been deployed in eastern DRC. According to the same sources, Ndayishimiye pledged to send additional reinforcements that would primarily operate in the mountainous regions of South Kivu. The reports characterize those areas as strategically important because they are home to significant populations of Congolese Tutsi cattle herders who, according to the article, have long faced discrimination, exclusion, and denial of citizenship rights. The reports further allege that Kinshasa has continued to question the nationality of many of these communities, contributing to longstanding grievances.
According to the reports, years of insecurity, discrimination, and violence prompted residents to establish the self-defense movement known as Twirwaneho. Communities in Minembwe continue accusing Burundian troops of treating local civilians as collaborators with both AFC/M23 and Twirwaneho. Those concerns reportedly intensified after statements attributed to Burundian military spokesperson Brigadier General Gaspard Baratuza, who was quoted as accusing residents of Minembwe of cooperating with hostile armed groups and warning that military operations would continue until such collaboration ceased.
The reports also highlight what they describe as a political contradiction, noting that President Ndayishimiye currently serves as Chairperson of the African Union while simultaneously being portrayed as one of the strongest regional supporters of President Tshisekedi’s military strategy in eastern DRC. According to the article, Burundi remains the only East African Community member to have openly aligned itself with Kinshasa’s approach after other regional leaders rejected calls to transform the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) from a peacekeeping mission into a force actively engaged against AFC/M23. The reports state that most regional leaders have instead continued advocating political dialogue as the only viable and lasting solution to the conflict.
In a potentially significant political development, reports from Burundi further claim that President Tshisekedi has entrusted President Ndayishimiye with opening channels of communication with several Congolese opposition figures as part of preparations for possible political negotiations. According to those reports, AFC/M23 is among the groups that Ndayishimiye has reportedly been asked to engage. However, journalist Steve Wembi, reporting from Goma, has indicated that former President Joseph Kabila is not expected to participate in any such discussions. Other reports suggest that at least two opposition figures based in Kinshasa have already received invitations to take part in the proposed initiative.
As of now, neither the governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo or Burundi, nor representatives of AFC/M23, have publicly confirmed or denied the reported discussions. Likewise, no official details have been released regarding the timing, structure, or participants of any future political dialogue. Nevertheless, the reports have fueled renewed debate over the direction of the conflict in eastern DRC and the increasingly prominent role Burundi is alleged to be playing in both the military and political dimensions of the crisis.
